The Throes of Democracy: Brazil Since 1989
With The Throes of Democracy Bryan McCann makes a timely contribution to the study of the history of Brazil in the last twenty years. As indicated in the title, the central theme is the preservation of the recently acquired democracy in Brazil, which is explained as ‘a struggle to incorporate the forces unleashed by the simultaneous collapse of the military regime and the rise of the Washington Consensus, and to restrain them within the boundaries of a democratic republic’ (p.9). The book’s structure follows this explanation, as the author considers that this struggle defined certain trends, of which the author highlights six which he considers decisive, and which constitute the chapters of the book.
The introduction, detailed and to the point, refers to the corruption and to the frequent scandals in the Brazilian political arena. It highlights the transformations which happened during the period and their influence over citizenship. The author considers that ‘The more profound expansion of citizenship has been social and economic’ (p.3), although the examples he cites are very specific and indeed debatable. He attributes a decisive role to two influences in the international context. The first, a change in the political strategy of the left. The second, the so-called ‘'Washington Consensus" (...), holding that only economic growth can reduce poverty and that growth can be achieved only by reducing trade restrictions’ (p.3), merits a specific comment.
Brazil reduced trade restrictions and ‘has never been more capital-friendly’ (p.5), and yet economic growth has been slower than in other ‘emerging’ economies. The Washington Consensus was not appreciably ‘kinder to Brazil (p.6) because, as the author recognises, there was no significant change in Brazil's enormous social inequality. The reduction in poverty and inequality was mediocre, in that the recent decrease in social inequality in practice merely compensated for the increase in inequality of the 1980s and early 1990s. This persistence of inequality established limits for the conquest of citizenship. The low quality of public education, the precarious state of housing and public health, low wages- all these indicators attest to the second-class nature of this citizenship.
These considerations are fundamental to the appreciation of the chapters which follow. The first, ‘The rise of the left’, seeks to present in a short space the most relevant aspects of political history from 1930 onwards, although in so doing, the resumé contains simplifications which would not be useful to a reader new to the subject. On the other hand, the analysis of the ‘regional machines’ is a strength, as is the uthor's analysis of the reorganisation of the left and the brief references to the power of the courts. The role of TV Globo in the 1989 elections and in the impeachment of President Collor were adequately described, but not the TV channel’s support for the previous dictatorship. Also missing was the direct relationship between the governments of Presidents Sarney and Collor and questions of the aggravation of corruption in politics.
The ‘rise of the left … really means the rise to power of former opponents of the military regime...’ (p.13), or in other words, Presidents Cardoso and Lula did not create governments of the left. The author reveals however a certain sympathy towards Cardoso, by exaggerating the successes of his time in power and playing down the serious problems such as the programme of privatisations, while he shows himself much more critical in relation to the scandals of the Lula government and does not mention its positive economic achievements.
The remaining chapters are shorter and the second, which is a coherent and detailed analysis of the urban crisis, is one of the high points of the book. I do not believe that the struggle for control of the urban space is mainly a reflection of the competition of electoral factions. However, the growth of organised crime and drug trafficking, the shantytowns (favelas) and ‘the NGO boom’ are addressed in a convincing manner. The following chapter, appropriately entitled ‘Back to the land’, is also rich in substance and informative. The critique of the agrarian policy of the Cardoso and Lula governments is well formulated. The author points out some essential aspects of this question, although it seems to me that the conflict in the countryside pre-existed and spread to the State, rather than the other way around.
Given that Bryan McCann’s first book was about Brazilian popular music (MPB), the attention given to this topic is understandable. The opening statement of the fourth chapter, ‘the more that gets paid out, the richer Brazil is’ (p.95) reveals the importance attributed to the market, which is confirmed throughout the text. However, I would judge necessary a greater attention to the difference between external influence, success and recognition – always welcome – and the ‘hybridisation’ of music foreign to Brazilian culture, always seasoned with a dose of ‘Brazilian sauce’ to make it pleasing to international tastes. With this proviso, the story of the eclipsing of the dominance of the Rio-Sao Paulo corridor and the urban peripheries as the [new]centres of musical production and distribution stand out for its strong and informative narrative.
Another high point of the book is the fifth chapter which deals with ‘The Pentecostal boom’. The overall vision and historical resumé of evangelism in Brazil, its growth and doctrine, are very well presented. The topics of competition within the religious market, ‘the rise of religious media and the emergence of the bancada evangélica[bloc of evalngelical politicians in the Congress]’ (p.127), and likewise its world-wide expansion are treated with excellent acuity. Finally McGann comments on how ‘longings for rules and order’ (p. 130), if associated with unemployment and a lack of perspective for the future, constitute a perilous mixture.
The sixth and final chapter ‘Making culture in digital Brazil’, is organised around the idea that ‘There are three rules governing patterns of circulation in Brazil’s cultural marketplace’ (p.131). The focus on the market is accordingly extended to cultural production. The ‘three rules’ are the Brazilian social networking website Orkut; the Brazilian energy company Petrobrás (exemplifying the influence of the corporate sector), and what he terms the ‘pistolão virtual’ [pistolão is a Brazilian term for a powerful and nepotistic figure in the job market].The interplay between these three factors, according to the author, determine which cultural products and producers get a high profile in the media. He restates the importance of the expansion of digital media for the cultural market and the fact that Brazil exports pop-culture with great success. He reveals the impressive statistics demonstrating the popularity and influence of Orkut in Brazil, which he considers a ‘vibrant arena for cultural debate and social connections’ (p.134).
In the conclusion the author sets out the great perils which threaten the Brazilian democracy: urban violence, political corruption and environmental destruction. Without disagreeing, I believe that Brazil’s enormous and persistent social inequality should enter this list of dangers, nor do I agree with his recurrent defence of the ‘Washington Consensus’, nor his vision of culture as merchandise.
As I have sought to demonstrate, this new book by Bryan McCann has many merits. It undeniably contributes to the debates on the themes covered, by being both informative and at times polemic. Written in a clear and accessible style, it is destined for a wider public, but specialists would be stimulated by the questions which it raises. Despite the considerable knowledge of Brazil which the author demonstrates one struggles to avoid the perception that we are dealing here with a vision that is identified with other interests and priorities.
Sergio Murillo Pinto
Researcher, contemporary Brazilian history and politics
Lisbon, Portugal