Labour and livelihoods

Food prices in Cambodia increased by 36.8 per cent between July 2007 and July 2008. High food prices negatively affected people from all walks of life, but the extent of the impact varied. The poorest 40 per cent of the population spend 70 per cent of their incomes on food. The poor and net food buyers, who generally live in rural areas, were hit worst by these rising prices. Most of the food-insecure households are in the Tonle Sap and plains regions. For the very poor, both urban and rural, obtaining sufficient food is a daily struggle.

The recent food-price crisis has contributed towards a huge increase in the number of hungry people in the world. The main purpose of this article is to use empirical data collected from food-surplus and food-deficit study districts to assess to what degree, and how, high food prices have affected smallholder farmers in Tanzania when it comes to production, income, food security, and livelihood security.

This study examines household food-access status in rural areas of Guinea, a poor, net food-importing West African state, during the height of the food-price crisis. Linking a household's food-access status with specific household characteristics and strategies, the article provides evidence on those unique characteristics and strategies favouring sustained food access during the price crisis. The findings are discussed and their policy implications reviewed, identifying good practice for targeting and intervention and suggestions for further research.

High food prices in 2008 sparked food riots around the world, with urban West Africa suffering many of these disturbances. Urban Mali appears to have been spared the worst of this crisis as consumers shifted from rice to sorghum, a grain whose production increased steeply as cotton production collapsed in the wake of lower global prices for this commodity. This study comments on the ‘rice bias’ in policy circles, the tension between cotton and food production, and the hidden blessing of geographic isolation.

This article contrasts the impacts of the global food-price crisis in 2007–08 on three types of farmer in Mali. In the Niger delta, where the government undertook an ‘emergency’ initiative, farmers organised to market their rice collectively, gaining a stronger position vis-à-vis merchants and the state. Vertically integrated into an export value chain, cotton farmers have suffered from stagnating yields, slow organisational reform, and rising input-to-output ratios over the past decade.

This study analyses the welfare and poverty effects of the 2007–08 food-price crisis on households in Guatemala. Estimates reveal that the price increases negatively affected 96.4 per cent of households and resulted in a 1.1 per cent increase in the national poverty rate. On average, households lose 2.3 per cent of their expenditure capacity, and high food prices have a regressive negative effect.

In the Andean region, national policy responses to the 2007–08 food-price crisis emphasised reducing pressures on consumers, and particularly on urban populations. In Bolivia, the prices of all domestic and imported food tubers and grains rose dramatically in major markets. Unexpectedly, evidence from focus groups and field research demonstrates that even in remote regions where farmers trade infrequently, smallholder farm families experienced food-price increases. Seeking to identify ‘average’ effects in such situations could also be misleading.

This article examines the case of the Mexican ‘tortilla crisis’ of 2007. Drawing on reviews of literature and the media, key-informant interviews, and secondary databases, the authors explore the response of the Mexican maize–tortilla chain to a price shock. Price increases should theoretically be passed on to the consumer as a progressively less significant percentage of the overall price of value-added food products. However, in Mexico, price increases were magnified along the maize–tortilla production chain.

This article takes the food crisis that began in 2007 as an occasion to draw attention to the deleterious impact of agricultural market volatility on poor farmers and food importing low-income countries. The article presents a menu of mechanisms that may reduce volatility or farmer and low-income country exposure to it. This is followed by a discussion of mechanisms that allow for the transfer of price risk through the use of instruments such as futures and options.

The food crisis of 2007–08 and the urban riots that ensued in some 40 developing countries placed the question of food price instability at the heart of policy debates. Since the 1980s, the prevailing idea has been that the best solution is managing risk without ‘affecting prices’ through private instruments (such as crop insurance, futures markets) in conjunction with the provision of safety nets for vulnerable populations.