Governance and public policy

Besides wars and revolution, Russia and its neighbours suffered two major agricultural shocks in the last century: the collectivisation crisis of 1929–33 and the collapse of the collective farms in the 1990s. Both were in some sense policy-induced and linked with sharp declines in agricultural terms of trade. The crises were connected by the historical coincidence of the formation and collapse of the collectives, and the political and philosophical bases of Communist rule.

This study addresses the impact of global food prices on domestic food prices, the short-term policy responses taken by national governments, and major constraints on long-term food security in Central Asia. A surge in domestic food-price inflation in Central Asian countries was almost perfectly simultaneous with the spike in international food prices. Food-price inflation was spurred in part by adverse weather conditions in 2007, and exacerbated by the decision of the government of Kazakhstan to temporarily impose export tariffs and suspend wheat exports.

Agricultural wage labourers in the Philippines were especially vulnerable to the food-price increases of 2007–08. Their wages do not cover the costs of food, clothing, and shelter, much less healthcare and their children's education. Food-price inflation reached 17.1 per cent in the third quarter of 2008. Farm workers had to spend most of their average daily wage of US$ 3 on buying rice, which meant foregoing the purchase of other foods and key necessities. Measures to reduce the price of calories for landless labourers are of critical importance to poverty alleviation.

Food prices in Cambodia increased by 36.8 per cent between July 2007 and July 2008. High food prices negatively affected people from all walks of life, but the extent of the impact varied. The poorest 40 per cent of the population spend 70 per cent of their incomes on food. The poor and net food buyers, who generally live in rural areas, were hit worst by these rising prices. Most of the food-insecure households are in the Tonle Sap and plains regions. For the very poor, both urban and rural, obtaining sufficient food is a daily struggle.

This article discusses the impact of the ongoing global economic crisis on the Indonesian agro-food sector. It compares the current situation with the crisis of 1997–98 and examines whether the liberalisation of the Indonesian economy (and the agro-food sector specifically) in the post-1999 period has increased the exposure of Indonesian food producers and consumers to the volatility associated with global financial and commodity markets.

The Indian government is implementing a package of food-based safety-net programmes to resist disastrous food insecurity. Crucial programmes are (1) the Targeted Public Distribution Scheme, (2) the wage-employment programme (direct cash transfer as wages), and (3) a number of direct nutrition programmes for feeding children. This article explores the implementation of these programmes at district levels in the state of West Bengal, and in particular the extremely disadvantaged district of Purulia.

This article first reviews the development of food prices in China since 2000. The authors find that despite tremendous price fluctuations in the international market in 2007–08, major staple crops (rice, wheat, and maize) in the domestic market were shielded from the volatility of the international market. This price stability can be partly attributed to Chinese government's food-security policies in stimulating grain production and smoothing domestic prices.

Egypt has an extensive system of food subsidies which provides bread and other basic staples to the population at low prices. This article examines the functioning of the food-subsidy system during two recent periods of rapid food-price inflation to evaluate its effectiveness as a social safety net. Three aspects are considered: the difference in rural and urban policies, the price differentials between subsidised and free-market goods, and the extent of coverage of the system.

The recent food-price crisis has contributed towards a huge increase in the number of hungry people in the world. The main purpose of this article is to use empirical data collected from food-surplus and food-deficit study districts to assess to what degree, and how, high food prices have affected smallholder farmers in Tanzania when it comes to production, income, food security, and livelihood security.

South Africa experienced two waves of rapid food inflation in 2001–02 and 2007–08. During both periods the surge in the cost of food undermined the food-security status of low-income families. Belated state reactions to the food-price crises pay scant attention to the fact that poor net food buyers rely on agro-food markets for their food supplies. Moreover, the touted non-interference of the state in agro-food marketing policy gives the impression that this policy is disconnected from food security. This article challenges that notion.